Emotional Development, Effects of Parenting and Family unit Structure on

Suzanne Bester , Marlize Malan-Van Rooyen , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second Edition), 2015

Extended Family – Kinship Care

Extended families consist of several generations of people and tin include biological parents and their children every bit well as in-laws, grandparents, aunts, uncles, and cousins. Extended families are typical of collective cultures where all family members are interdependent and share family responsibilities including childrearing roles (Waites, 2009; Potent et al., 2008).

Extended family members normally live in the same residence where they puddle resources and undertake familial responsibilities. Multigenerational bonds and greater resources increase the extended family unit'due south resiliency and ability to provide for the children's needs, yet several take a chance factors associated with extended families can decrease their well-existence. Such risk factors include complex relationships, conflicting loyalties, and generational conflict ( Engstrom, 2012; Waites, 2009).

Complex intergenerational relationships can complicate the child–parent relationship as they can cause confusion regarding the identity of the primary parent. Such confusion can consequence in a child undermining the authority of her existing parent (Anderson, 2012) and feeling uncertain about her environment.

Extended families often value the wider kin group more than individual relationships, which tin pb to loyalty bug inside the family and too cause difficulties in a couple'due south human relationship where a close relationship betwixt a husband and wife may exist seen as a threat to the wider kin group. Another factor that can add together to the complexity of relationships in an extended family unit is the need to negotiate the expectations and needs of each family member. Complex extended family unit relationships can also detract from the parent–child relationship (Strong et al., 2008; Langer and Ribarich, 2007).

The literature points to various protective factors associated with extended families that tin can help the parents and family unit meet the children's various needs. Extended families usually have more resource at their disposal that can be used to ensure the well-being of the children. Likewise, when the family functions as a collaborative team, has strong kinship bonds, is flexible in its roles, and relies on cultural values to sustain the family, the family itself serves as a lifelong buffer confronting stressful transitions (Engstrom, 2012; Waites, 2009).

Kinship care as a cultural value in extended families is associated with positive child outcomes, nonetheless this may non be the instance when such families take to take responsibility for a kid because his parents are unable to do so. In such cases, kinship care becomes similar to foster intendance. Situations like the latter ordinarily arise from substance abuse, incarceration, abuse, homelessness, family violence, affliction, death, or military machine deployment (Langosch, 2012).

Although children in kinship care frequently fare better than children in foster care, various risk factors can accept a negative impact on the children's well-being. Run a risk factors include depression socioeconomic condition, disability to meet children's needs properly, unhealthy family unit dynamics, older kin, less-educated kin, and unmarried kin (Langosch, 2012; Palacios and Jiménez, 2009; Harris and Skyles, 2008; Metzger, 2008; Winokur et al., 2008).

Kinship care as foster care is often characterized by complex relationships and the trauma caused past the loss of an able parent. The family member who assumes the function as parent often finds it difficult to balance his quondam relationship with his new part as the person responsible for the child's well-being. For instance, a grandmother may have to suit to the idea of beingness a strict parent instead of a loving, indulgent grandmother (Engstrom, 2012; Langosch, 2012).

The extended family member who steps into the parenting role is oft overwhelmed by the stress caused by new parental responsibilities, zipper difficulties, and possible feelings of resentment and acrimony toward the biological parent, besides every bit having to bargain with traumatic transitions subsequently the loss of an able parent. The human relationship between the new parent and other family members may also experience strain due to loyalty bug. Too circuitous relationships, changes in the child's environment telephone call for new routines, the setting of new limits, and sometimes coparenting with the biological parent, all of which can contribute to a less stable environment (Engstrom, 2012; Langosch, 2012).

An extended family unit member who takes on kinship care faces many challenges, although positive experiences associated with such care can also serve every bit a protective factor buffering the child confronting the negative effect of traumatic transitions. The new parent may find this transition meaningful in the sense that information technology adds purpose to her life, and the child may also experience a sense of security, consistency, continuity in family identity, emotional ties, and familiarity (Langosch, 2012; Harris and Skyles, 2008; Metzger, 2008).

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Family Construction and Family Violence

Laura A. McCloskey , Riane Eisler , in Encyclopedia of Violence, Peace, & Disharmonize (2d Edition), 2008

Extended Families

Extended families composed of grandparents, aunts, and uncles tin can be protective of children, given a nonabusive credo. If there is an calumniating ideology, still, the extended family unit tin can pose every bit much a risk as a buffer to children. Unproblematic generalizations, therefore, near features of family unit structure and their role in child maltreatment cannot exist made.

There are widespread beliefs that the presence of grandparents is a buffer for children, and probably inhibits abuse. Yet, inquiry findings on the support provided by grandparents to young children are mixed. In one study of African-American extended families children within unmarried or divorced mother-headed households, however, did prove signs of better aligning when a grandmother lived with them. Notwithstanding, this effect did not seem due to the grandmother's parenting skills or straight care to the child, but to the back up these grandmothers provided their daughters. The daughters, therefore, became more than effective and less stressed during their own parenting tasks, and the children afterward benefited. In the United States, therefore, the nuclear family relationships remain the most critical for the children's health and upshot. When unmarried mothers are nested in supportive extended family contexts, the children benefit from the straight aid offered to the mother.

At that place have been some studies on what kinds of skills promote irenic and nurturant parenting. For example, researchers in child evolution found that mothers who are able to develop higher levels of attunement or synchrony when interacting with toddlers, and who are able to constitute a mutual focus with the child on some activity or thought, have children who are more than compliant and happier than mothers who are less attuned, so to speak, to their young children. Flowing with the child rather than confronting her or him seems to be the all-time policy for socializing cooperativeness and stability. Finally, the quality of the relationship between parents has a profound impact on children'south coping and mental health.

One time again, the indicators of nonviolent parenting seem to be more lodged within parenting beliefs than in the structure of the family. Coercive parenting engenders aggression in children, either through modeling parental aggression or through the evolution of an internal mental script or 'working model' of antagonistic interpersonal relationships. Although there take been few directly studies to date, information technology appears that parents who espouse a 'partnership model' with each other are more likely to raise children to exercise the aforementioned, and to develop mutual respect for boundaries, opinions, and interests that will benefit the child, as well equally the parents. The 'dominator model', or the traditional patriarchal family unit, is a problematic environment for successful child rearing, and tin diminish children'southward ain self-esteem and ability to forge intimate relationships.

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Family and Culture

James Georgas , in Encyclopedia of Applied Psychology, 2004

three.2 Family Typology

As inferred in the previous definitions, there are different types of families. The structure refers to the positions of the members of the family (east.m., mother, father, daughter, grandmother, etc.) and the roles assigned to the family members past the culture. For example, traditional roles of the nuclear family in N America and northern Europe in the mid-20th century were the wage-earning father and the housewife and child-raising mother. Cultures have social constructs and norms related to the proper roles of family unit members—that is, what the part of the female parent, begetter, etc. should exist.

Family types or structures have been delineated primarily by cultural anthropological studies of small cultures throughout the earth. Still, family sociologists have also contributed to the literature on family typology, although folklore has been more interested in the European and American family unit and less interested in small societies throughout the world.

At that place are a number of typologies of family types, but a elementary typology would be the nuclear and the extended family systems. To these can be added the ane-parent family.

The nuclear family consists of ii generations: the wife/female parent, husband/father, and their children. The one-parent family is too a variant of the nuclear family unit. About ane-parent families are divorced-parent families; single-parent families contain a small-scale percentage of one-parent families, although they take increased in North America and northern Europe. The majority of i-parent families are those with mothers.

The extended family unit consists of at to the lowest degree three generations: the grandparents on both sides, the wife/mother and the husband/father, and their children, together with parallel streams of the kin of the wife and husband. There are different types of extended families in cultures throughout the earth. The post-obit is one taxonomy:

•

The polygynous family consists of one husband/father and ii or more wives/mothers, together with their children and kin. Polygynous families are found in many cultures. For example, 4 wives are permitted according to Islam. Nonetheless, the actual number of polygamous families in Islamic nations is very pocket-sized (east.thousand., approximately ninety% of fathers in Qatar, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Sultanate of oman, Bahrain, and Saudi Arabia have simply one wife). In Islamic republic of pakistan, a homo seeking a 2d wife must obtain permission from an mediation council, which requires a statement of consent from the start wife before granting permission.

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In a few societies in Primal Asia in that location are polyandrous families, in which one woman is married to several brothers and thus land is not divided. However, this is a rare phenomenon in cultures throughout the earth.

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The stem family consists of the grandparents and the eldest married son and heir and their children, who alive together under the authorisation of the grandfather/household head. The eldest son inherits the family unit plot and the stem continues through the outset son. The other sons and daughters go out the household upon matrimony. The stem family was characteristic of central European countries, such equally Austria and southern Frg. The lineal or patriarchal family consists of the grandparents and the married sons. This is perhaps the most common grade of family and is besides found in southern Europe and Japan.

•

The joint family is a continuation of the lineal family subsequently the decease of the grandfather, in which the married sons share the inheritance and work together. Joint families were plant south of the Loire in France, as were patriarchal families, whereas the nuclear family unit was predominant northward of the Loire. Joint families are also found in India and Pakistan.

•

The fully extended family, or the zadruga in the Balkans countries of Croatia, Bosnia, Serbia, Montenegro, Republic of albania, Macedonia, Republic of bulgaria, had a structure similar to that of the articulation family but with the inclusion of cousins and other kin. The number of kin living and working together as a family numbered in the dozens.

A point needs to be made regarding the different types of extended families. Historical analyses of the family past anthropologists and sociologists indicated that people considered to be members of a family or a household were not necessarily kin. For case, in cardinal European countries until the 18th century, servants (who were often relatives), semipermanent residents, visitors, workers, and boarders were considered to be members of the household. The term familia was used to announce large households rather than "family unit" in the modernistic sense. Until the 18th century, no discussion for nuclear family unit was employed in Germany but the term "with wife and children." Frédéric Le Play, considered to be the father of empirical family folklore, discussed the emergence of the nuclear family unit as a product of the industrial revolution. He too characterized the nuclear family, the famille, equally unstable in comparison with the stalk family unit.

One theory regarding the alter from feudal familia to the famille of Western Europe is based on the following assay. After the reformation, vassals left the feudal towns to seek work in the cities. This led to the separation of the dwelling house place and identify of piece of work and resulted in privacy and the sentimentality of the nuclear family. This blueprint, however, was non constitute amid the peasants in the agricultural areas. The strengthening of the human relationship betwixt parents and children was as well a result of the religious influence of the Age of Enlightenment. These changes led to the releasing of servants from the close customs of the household. Servants and workers became less personal and part of the household and more contractual. This led to the emergence of many new nuclear families (e.g., those of early factory workers and clerks). A new word in German, Haus, referred only to those living within it.

Historical analyses of the family during this period in Western Europe as well emphasize that not all families were large extended families because establishing this type of household was dependent on state buying. Most families worked for large feudal types of households and were essentially nuclear in structure. In England during this period, where land ownership was restricted to the nobility, the vast majority of families, which either worked for the landowners or rented pocket-sized plots, were necessarily nuclear families.

3.2.1 The Nuclear Family unit: Separate or Office of the Extended Family?

The key chemical element in studying different types of family structure and its relationships with psychological development of the children, its economic base, and its civilisation is the nuclear family. In 1949, Murdock made an important distinction regarding the relationship of the nuclear family to the extended family: "The nuclear family unit is a universal human social grouping. Either as the sole prevailing course of the family or every bit the bones unit from which more complex familial forms are compounded, it exists as a distinct and strongly functional group in every known society."

Murdock made an important bespeak: The nuclear family unit is prevalent in all societies, not necessarily every bit an autonomous unit just because the extended family is substantially a constellation of nuclear families across at least 3 generations. Parsons' theory that the accommodation of the family unit to the industrial revolution required a nuclear family unit structure resulting in its isolation from its traditional extended family and kinship network, leading to psychological isolation and anomie, has had a strong influence on psychological and sociological theorizing about the nuclear family unit. Notwithstanding, studies of social networks in North America and northern Europe have shown that the hypothesized isolation of the nuclear family is a myth. Nuclear families, even in these industrial countries, have networks with grandparents, brothers and sisters, and other kin. The question is the degree of contact and communication with these kin, even in nations of northern and southern Europe.

A 2nd issue relates to the dissimilar cycles of family, from the moment of marriage to the death of the parents or grandparents. The classic three-generation extended family has a lifetime of perhaps xx–30 years. The death of the grandparent, the patriarch of an extended family, results in one bike closing and the start of a new bicycle with ii or three nuclear families, the married and unmarried sons and daughters. These are nuclear families in transition. Some volition form new extended families, others may not have children, some will not marry, and others (due east.g., the 2nd son in the stem family) will not have the economical base to grade a new stalk family. That is, even in cultures with a dominant extended family unit system, there are ever nuclear families.

A 3rd outcome is the decision of a nuclear family. This is related to place of common residence or the "household" of the nuclear family. Demographic studies of the family unremarkably apply the term household in determining the number of people residing in the residence and their roles. All the same, in that location is a paradox between the concepts household and family unit equally employed in demographic studies. Household refers to counting the number of persons in a house. If there are 2 generations, parents and the children, they are identified as a nuclear family. However, this may lead to erroneous conclusions about the percentage of nuclear families in a country. For instance, in a European demographic written report, Federal republic of germany and Austria had lower percentages of nuclear families than Greece. This appears to be strange because Greece is known to be a country with a potent extended family system. Notwithstanding, demographic statistics provide just "surface" data, which is difficult to interpret without information about attitudes, values, and interactions between family unit members. Nuclear households in Greece, as in many other countries throughout the world, are very near to the grandparents—in the apartment next door, on the next floor, or in the neighborhood—and the visits and telephone calls betwixt kin are very frequent. Thus, although nuclear in terms of common residence, the families are in fact extended in terms of their relationships and interactions.

In addition, there is the psychological component of those who i considers to exist family. Social representation of his or her family unit may consist of a mosaic of parents, brothers and sisters, grandparents, uncles, and aunts and cousins on both sides, together with different degrees of emotional attachments to each i, different types of interactions, bonds, memories, etc. Each person has a genealogical tree consisting of a constellation of overlapping kinship groups—through the female parent, father, female parent-in-police, father-in-police, but likewise through the sister-in-police, brother-in-constabulary, cousin-in-law, etc. The overlapping circles of nuclear families in this constellation of kin relationships are almost countless. Both the psychological dimension of family—one's social representation—and the culturally specified definition of which kin relationships are of import determine which kin affiliations are important to the individual ("my favorite aunt") or the family ("our older brother's" family) and which are important in the clan (the "Zaman" extended family) or community (the "Johnsons" nuclear family). Thus, it is non then important "who lives in the box" but, rather, the types of affiliations and psychological ties with the constellation of unlike family unit members or kin in the person's conception of his or her family, whether it is an "contained" nuclear family in Germany or an "extended family" in Nigeria.

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Social Media and Sorting Out Family Relationships

Jolynna Sinanan , in Emotions, Engineering science, and Social Media, 2016

Abstract

Families and extended families already present an entangled terrain of emotional experience that is further complicated by the range of technologies available for communication. This chapter argues that choosing betwixt platforms to convey different content is securely embedded in relationships, cartoon on ethnographic fieldwork in a minor down in Trinidad. For this argument, "polymedia," a term coined by Madianou and Miller (2012, 2013), is a especially useful theory of communications for personal relationships. Polymedia captures how Trinidadians navigate the expectations and etiquette within the messiness of lived relationships, where resolving conflicts and tensions have consequences, face-to-face. Every bit social media bridges different aspects of relationships, polymedia is particularly concrete when idea of in relation to transnational family unit connections. Almost often, sorting out which platforms to use is heavily intertwined with sorting out relationships, where sparing emotions and keeping peace are valued amongst extended families living in small-scale towns.

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Data Collection

Kevin John O'Connor , Sue Ammen , in Play Therapy Handling Planning and Interventions (Second Edition), 2013

Extended Family History

Information about the extended families is useful for several reasons. Commencement, information technology is important to understand how the extended family is currently involved with the child client and his or her family. Besides, because many caregivers bring their own histories of beingness parented into parenting relationships with their children, data about their family-of-origin experiences may be helpful. How much you decide to focus on this area when gathering the initial intake information depends on how much the presenting maternal grandmother had moved into the home approximately eight months before and was providing afterschool care for the child. She was an alcoholic and extremely critical of the child. I family session in which the grandmother was included provided a clear moving picture, for both the play therapist and the parents, of the destructive interaction betwixt this grandparent and the kid. The parents immediately made changes in the environment to limit the contact the grandparent had with the kid, and provided the child with messages to counteract the negative messages she had been getting from the grandmother. The parents were referred to Al-Anon resource in the community. Inside a calendar month, the child was doing better in school and play therapy was discontinued.

Case Case

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CPTED Concepts and Strategies

Timothy D. Crowe , Lawrence J. Fennelly , in Law-breaking Prevention Through Environmental Blueprint (Third Edition), 2013

Three-Generation Housing

It is difficult for extended families to live in close proximity in public housing environments. Young families may have to move across town to another site to find an apartment. As the young family unit grows in number of children, it is common for them to take to move several times to observe more bedroom space. Over time the same families need less infinite as older children leave the abode. A new concept of 3-generation housing is actually a rebirth of the pre-World War 2 practice of providing room for boarders within the existing firm design.

Three-generation housing concepts include the planning of architectural options to alter existing structures to increment apartment size or to provide for rental opportunities within one structure. That is, the flat is designed to exist broken into two apartments of diverse sizes. Conversely, an flat could exist designed to provide for an attic or attached efficiency that could be used for curt-term rentals by college students or single tenants who can provide the adult presence needed to back up a lone parent. Public housing applications will vary merely to the extent of who serves as the landlord.

Iii-generation planning for public housing provides architectural options that make it possible for extended families to stay close. Apartments may be modified or originally designed to allow for either upsizing or downsizing the number of bedrooms. One-bedroom flats may be joined or separated equally families change. 2 kitchens in ane large flat may be useful in promoting harmony among an extended family. This apartment could be split when the large family moves out. Such flexibility allows the apartment to undergo many changes over the years to accommodate the needs of various and changing families.

The value of three-generation housing is potentially enormous. The lonely parent will benefit from the potential support of other adults within the home. Kid supervision will improve, which may result in less delinquency and vandalism. Higher achievement levels in school may result from improved attendance and report habits that will be influenced by increased parenting and supervision. Finally, it should be expected that quality-of-life issues will be affected in positive ways, thus making the housing community more than pop for working families.

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Ethnocultural Dynamics and Acquired Aphasia

Joan C. Payne , in Acquired Aphasia (Third Edition), 1998

American Indian/Alaska Natives

Within tribes that value extended families, Indian elderly are highly valued and occupy an of import place in making major decisions for the family and tribe. Nearly three-fourths of rural American Indians between 65 and 74 years of age live with their families, whereas simply about one-half of the urban Indian population over age 75 live within a family environment. Those who live with their children exercise then because of cultural preferences and the ability to share in family resources. Intendance is generally given by the families or in elderly facilities on reservations (Red Horse, 1990). Other differences betwixt rural- and urban-dwelling house elderly can be seen in the rates of nursing home placement. Urban elderly are more probable to be placed in nursing homes than are rural elderly (Manson & Calloway, 1990).

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Fertility Theory: Theory of Intergenerational Wealth Flows

Kristin Snopkowski , Hillard Kaplan , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (2nd Edition), 2015

Role of the Family in Fertility Decision-making

While Caldwell conceptualized the extended family as a family structure that required transfers from young to erstwhile members, other researchers have argued that extended kin operate to provide additional resources for childbearing ( Hrdy, 2005). The loss of the extended family unit construction may mean that the costs of children get larger for parents because they cannot be dispersed to extended kin members (Turke, 1989) or that pronatal messages, which may come disproportionally from kin, are reduced as individuals are located further from extended kin members (Newson et al., 2005).

Prove has been mounting for the positive furnishings extended kin (usually parents or in-laws) have on the survivorship of children and fertility rates. Children are more likely to survive in many contexts if grandparents are live, with effects more often than not beingness strongest for maternal grandmothers (Beise and Voland, 2002; Beise, 2005; Hadley, 2004; Kemkes-Grottenthalef, 2005; Lahdenperä et al., 2004; Sear et al., 2000; Sear, 2008; Tymicki, 2004). There is also testify that grandmothers have positive effects on children's nutritional status (Gibson and Mace, 2005; Sear et al., 2000). In several contexts, grandmothers provide needed help to children and grandchildren; grandmothers reduce female parent's work energy expenditure and reduce maternal direct kid care amidst the Aka foragers of central Africa (Meehan et al., 2013), they reduce chance of grandchild mortality and low nascence weight when they are the primary source of support for mothers in Puerto Rico (Scelza, 2011), and they relieve daughters of heavy domestic tasks in rural Federal democratic republic of ethiopia (Gibson and Mace, 2005). Finally, there is testify that individuals who have close bonds with parents are more probable to engage in reproduction (Mathews and Sear, 2013a,b; Waynforth, 2012) and that having kin available who provide kid care increment the likelihood of boosted births (Bereczkei, 1998; Kaptijn et al., 2010). This thriving research area has demonstrated the positive effects grandparents have on grandchild outcomes, again providing evidence that resources flow from parents to children and grandchildren instead of the reverse.

Given that the variation in kin effects beyond contexts is non well understood and nosotros expect kin to take differing effects depending on the local fertility norms and socioecologies, this provides a thriving expanse for future inquiry. Further, we may expect variation depending on the type of kin member, as some kin are more closely related than others and some kin accept their own reproductive opportunities, which may lead to kin reproductive conflict instead of cooperation. Empirical evidence shows mothers-in-law tend to accept a positive effect on fertility outcomes for daughters-in-constabulary (more then than mothers on daughter'due south fertility) (Sear and Coall, 2011), simply we do not truly sympathise why this occurs. Both social and economic hypotheses take been brought forrard equally potential explanations, but future piece of work will likely explore this evolutionary puzzle.

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Assessing and Treating American Indian and Alaska Native People

Denise A. Dillard , Spero G. Manson , in Handbook of Multicultural Mental Health (Second Edition), 2013

C Utilize of Alternative Sources of Information

Family members (including extended family unit), community members, and medicine men or tribal doctors tin can exist invaluable sources to consult (with a client's consent). As function of the culture and the customer's daily life, these individuals possess a rich understanding of the client's social, emotional, physical, and spiritual functioning across fourth dimension. In add-on, these individuals are perhaps nigh able to return culturally sensitive and authentic judgments about pathology. For example, it may be difficult for a not-AI/AN clinician to decipher whether an AI male person'southward high level of mistrust stems from a realistic need to protect himself from the dangers and injury associated with bigotry or if he is paranoid in a delusional sense. Family and community members might rather effortlessly exist able to identify the mistrust every bit normal or pathological.

To give some other example, O'Nell and Mitchell (1996) conducted in-depth interviews with teens and other community members about teen drinking in a Northern Plains customs. The community definition of pathological drinking was not related to frequency or quantity of booze consumption. Instead, local norms defined a teen as having a drinking trouble when drinking interfered with the boyish's acquisition of cultural values similar courage, modesty, humour, generosity, and family honour. Thus, in assessing a potential alcohol trouble, asking a Northern Plains adolescent if she or he felt these values were affected by alcohol use might prove more than fruitful than request how often or how much the youth drinks. The People Awakening projection of the Center for Alaska Native Health Research also constitute that definitions of sobriety among ANs interviewed emphasized civilisation, spirituality, and interpersonal responsibility rather than the amount or frequency of alcohol consumed (Mohatt et al., 2008; Mohatt et al., 2004).

Other sources to consider consulting include clinicians with AI/AN experience, anthropologists who have researched the particular tribe or group, and the bookish literature (ethnographies, histories, and the literature of the culture; Westermeyer, 1987). Home or school observations might as well help capture for the clinician the "flavor" of a customer's life beyond the capabilities of any examination. Observing an AI/AN engaging in hobbies or other activities can help provide a counterbalanced view of the client equally possessing strengths in addition to weaknesses. For example, an AI child might be performing well below average in academics and seem to be severely delayed co-ordinate to intellectual testing and teacher observations. However, during a home visit, a clinician might discover the child has a strong facility in beadwork, making highly complex patterns. The "delay" thus might not be as severe as thought and more related to cultural problems like activeness preferences and language rather than innate ability.

On a terminal note, assessing the client'south level of acculturation to Western means and enculturation or identification with his or her own cultural roots should exist a focus with most every AI/AN. As mentioned by Trimble et al. (1996), "For some individuals…otherwise fairly healthy, the conflicts surrounding movement between cultures may be what brings them into counseling … These problems become more than salient for Indian people who are living in an urban or other not-reservation surroundings" (p. 204). These conflicts were described earlier. In add-on, some scholars (e.grand., Trimble et al., 1996) argue understanding the client's ethnic identity and level of acculturation and enculturation tin can increase the effectiveness of treatment. An AI/AN who is adequately acculturated, for example, may have previous counseling experience and be quite comfortable with the process and roles of the therapist and client. In contrast, a very traditional AI male person is unlikely to have previous counseling experience and may be highly uncomfortable with some aspects of his role (eastward.thou., cocky-disclosure) and behaviors of the therapist (east.thou., directly questioning). The content and construction of therapy with this client thus could involve rather informal meetings at the client's home with limited self-disclosure over a long catamenia of time.

At that place are several models of how to assess level of acculturation and enculturation. Several standardized scales for AIs (e.g., American Indian Enculturation Scale, Native Identity Scale) with limited psychometric data be (Gonzales & Bennett, 2011; Winderowd et al., 2008). Other approaches are more open-ended. Trimble et al. (1996) recommend open-ended questions near instruction, employment, religion, language, political participation, urbanization, media influence, social relations, daily life, and past significant events and their causes while Hays (2006) uses the acronym ADDRESSING to appraise age and generational influences, developmental and acquired disabilities, religion or spiritual orientation, eastwardthnicity, southwardocioeconomic status, sexual orientation, indigenous heritage, national origin, and yardender. Another useful framework is presented in the DSM-IV Outline for Cultural Formulation, addressing the cultural identity of the individual, cultural explanations of the individual's illness, cultural factors related to the psychosocial environment and levels of functioning, and cultural elements of the human relationship betwixt the individual and clinician (American Psychiatric Association, 2000). Although the Outline has limitations (Novins et al., 1997), Christensen (2001), Fleming (1996), and Manson (1996) present useful applications to the AI population.

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Genetics of Human Obesity

JANIS S. FISLER , NANCY A. SCHONFELD-WARDEN , in Nutrition in the Prevention and Treatment of Affliction, 2001

C. Linkage Studies in Humans

Linkage studies in humans are conducted with large extended families or with nuclear families. A conceptually elementary and practical method is the nonparametric sib-pair linkage method that provides statistical evidence of linkage betwixt a quantitative phenotype and a genetic marker [1, 59]. The method is based on the concept that siblings who share a greater number of alleles (i or 2) identical by descent 15 at a linked marker locus should also share more alleles at the phenotypic locus of involvement and should exist phenotypically more similar than siblings who share fewer marker alleles (0 or 1). The method has been expanded to use data from multiple markers, allowing higher resolution mapping [threescore]. Linkage studies practise not place whatever specific gene but are useful in identifying candidate genes for further study.

A number of whole genome scans and linkage studies roofing smaller chromosomal regions, published as of Oct 1999, identified 56 QTLs for various measures of adiposity, respiratory quotient, metabolic rate, and plasma leptin levels in humans (for details, come across [11]). Many of these chromosomal loci incorporate candidate genes for obesity, including genes known to cause single-cistron obesity (Section V). Linkage studies propose that the LEP gene or a cistron very near it on 7q31. three contributes to obesity in several different populations although the monogenic syndrome of leptin deficiency is rare [61–65]. 1 group linked both the LEPR [66] and MC4R [67] genes to multigenic obesity-related phenotypes in French Canadians. Candidate genes beginning identified through linkage studies include the adrenergic receptors [68, 69], UCP2/UCP3 [70], and ADA [56].

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